At the end of their article, Drs. Bonta and Gendreau aimed what I would
term a broadside against the pains of imprisonment literature (including
Prisoners of Isolation ):
When it comes to scholarly inquiry in the field of
criminal justice, a pernicious tendency has been to invoke rhetoric over
reality and affirm ideology over respect for empirical evidence . . .
If we are to make progress in understanding what it is our prisons do
to inmates, then we must respect the available evidence. We do not discount
the importance of phenomenology in assessing prison life; this line of
inquiry does provide valuable insight. But, if we stray too far from the
epistemic values that are crucial to a vigorous social science, then we
run the risk of making disastrous policy decisions. Therefore, if we are
to have a more constructive agenda, we must face the fact that simplistic
notions of the "pains of imprisonment" simply will not be instructive
and will mitigate against the inmates well-being.
The facts are that long-term imprisonment and specific conditions of
confinement such as solitary, under limiting and humane conditions, fail
to show any sort of profound detrimental effects. (Bonta at 364)
Following the publication of the Bonta and Gendreau article, Professor
Julian Roberts and myself published a response. In Boats
Against the Current: a Note on the Effects of Imprisonment we wrote:
The authors [Bonta and Gendreau] lament what they
refer to as "the pernicious tendency to invoke rhetoric over reality;"
yet their own conclusions reflect a disregard for the reality they admire,
and they embrace the very rhetoric they disdain. They conclude that "the
real culprit may not necessarily be the condition of solitary per se but
the manner in which inmates have been treated." Research on the Canadian
federal correctional regime regarding administrative segregation reveals
that over the last twenty years period there have been extensive changes
in federal administrative policy and rules. The official "rhetoric" for
the use of administrative segregation speaks of Bonta and Gendreau’s "well-defined
and effectively administered ethical guidelines for its use." The reality
as reflected in these studies of what actually happens in Canadian prisons
is that administrative segregation continues to be applied in an arbitrary
manner that violates fundamental principles of justice. By defining empirical
research in such a way as to exclude studies such as these, Bonta and
Gendreau effectively reduce the horizon of empirical research relevant
to the evaluation of solitary confinement to studies that are, in effect,
quite irrelevant to the real-life experience of prisoners. ((1991), 15 Law
and Human Behaviour, vol., 15, 557 at 561)
We also criticised the limitations that the Bonta and Gendreau approach
to relevant research placed upon understanding the real-life impact of
imprisonment in other areas. The example we gave was from a case study
of one of my clients, Ted Steele, whose imprisonment for 37 years was
held by the Supreme Court of Canada to constitute "cruel and unusual punishment."
( Steele v. Warden
of Mountain Institution (1989), 72 C.R. (3d) 5 ):
One of us recently represented a man released from prison after serving
thirty-seven years under an indeterminate sentence. He was released on
the grounds that his continued imprisonment constituted cruel and unusual
punishment. From the evidence presented to the courts, this man, measured
by Bonta and Gendreau’s objective indices of negative effects of imprisonment
-- "behaviours which threatened the physical welfare of the offender (e.g.,
aggressive behaviour, suicide) . . . psychological stress levels (e.g.,
elevated blood pressure) and psychological stress (e.g., depression)"
-- is in better shape after imprisonment. According to the Bonta and Gendreau
approach to the scientific measurement of long-term imprisonment, there
is therefore nothing cruel or unusual about thirty seven years in prison.
It would be a salutary exercise in scientific humility for Bonta and
Gendreau to put aside their "objective measures" and to consider the effects
of such a period of imprisonment in the manner in which it was described
by the Supreme Court of Canada. In the words of Mr. Justice Cory: "The
period of incarceration has been long indeed . . . during his incarceration,
governments have changed, wars have begun and ended and a generation has
grown to maturity." Understanding the negative impact of thirty seven
years of imprisonment on Mr. Steele requires an acknowledgement that he
finds himself separated by an unbridgeable gap of social experience from
his peers in the free community. The generation of free men and women
with whom he lost contact thirty-seven years earlier are now thinking
about retirement. For his part, Mr. Steele has to think about starting
a new life. While his peers reap the rewards associated with parenthood
(and grandparenthood), he must confront the isolation accumulated over
37 years of separation from society. Bonta and Gendreau would argue that
this is to confuse rhetoric with science. We would argue that their approach
substitutes a spurious objectivity for the human dimension of punishment
as it is experienced by prisoners. (at 558-9)
The extent to which Dr. Bonta and Dr. Gendreau’s research has influenced
the Correctional Service of Canada is reflected in the materials which
are used as part of the training for Correctional Service staff and managers.
For example, in the Risk Assessment course manual, the following statements
appear:
The "pains of imprisonment" literature primarily
reflects the casual observation, personal experiences presented in the
form of case studies, and rhetorical description that is highly theoretical,
emotional, and often political. Not surprisingly, this literature focuses
on the deprivations of prison life, threats of physical violence in the
form of assaults, murder, self-mutilation, suicide and on deterioration
in mental health . . .
Without denying the "pains of imprisonment," reviews
of the systematic quantitative research literature on the effects of incarceration
by James Bonta and Paul Gendreau . . . place the issue of prison as "setting"
firmly within an informed social psychological framework: there is no
evidence that segregation, solitary confinement, long term incarceration
have a generally negative or a generally positive impact on health, psychological
functioning or criminal propensity. (Correctional Service of Canada, Risk
Assessment Course, Participants Manual, 1 October 1994, section 6 at
13)
Significantly, at the end of this section of the manual there is extensive
reference to the articles of Dr. Bonta and Dr. Gendreau. Noticeably absent
is any reference to the response to their 1991 article by Dr. Roberts
and myself or to any other literature which suggests that solitary confinement
and segregation have detrimental effects. In other words, the official
position of the Correctional Service of Canada, as it is reflected in
the training materials which have received extensive circulation throughout
the country amongst staff and administrators, is that segregation is a
neutral event in the life of a prisoner from the perspective of psychological
and criminogenic consequences.
In Phase II of the Arbour inquiry the relevant literature, including
the Bonta and Gendreau article and the response of Dr. Roberts and myself,
was reviewed and Madam Justice Arbour came to these conclusions on the
debate regarding the effects of segregation:
There is a small body of research, much of which
has been generated in Canada, which asserts that "long term imprisonment
and specific conditions of confinement such as solitary, under limiting
and humane conditions, fail to show any sort of profound detrimental effects"
(Bonta and Gendreau). This research is of little
utility in evaluating the effects of solitary confinement as it is currently
administered in penitentiaries, particularly on women. Virtually
all of the studies which claim to have found no negative effects of segregation
have been carried out on male volunteers, often undergraduate college
students. Studies carried out in the prison context employed volunteer
male inmates. These volunteers knew the specific length of time they would
be held in segregation (usually for between four and seven days) and the
specific conditions under which they would be held. Inmates with histories
of psychiatric, behavioural or medical problems were screened out of the
research. In addition, volunteers were told that they would be released
if they changed their minds, or began to suffer serious negative effects.
None of the studies used women.
In contrast, there is a body of clinical literature
which supports the view that the effects of long-term segregation on prisoners
are deleterious to their mental health. Grassian concluded from his research
on inmates that "rigidly imposed solitary confinement may have substantial
psychopathological effects and . . . these effects may form a clinically
distinguishable syndrome." In that study, he found the inmates suffering
from, among other things, perceptual distortions such as hallucinations,
affective disturbances such as massive anxiety, difficulties thinking,
disturbances in thought content, problems with impulse control and rapid
subsistence of symptoms on termination of isolation. Similarly, Benjamin
and Lux found evidence, from the experience of prisoners and prison psychologists,
of damage in the form of cognitive impairment (e.g. concentration, memory,
hallucinations) and emotional impairment (feelings of helplessness, depression,
rage and self-destructiveness) as a result of detention in solitary confinement.
All this is consistent with my previous findings,
as well as with many of the views that were expressed during Phase II
of the proceedings.
A number of studies have noted the additional impact
of the treatment of inmates while in segregation. These include negative
interaction with staff, the frequent violation of the rules and regulations
governing detention in segregation, and the uncertainty of release for
inmates held in administrative segregation. The findings that I made earlier
support the conclusion that prolonged segregation is a devastating experience,
particularly when its duration is unknown at the outset and when the inmate
feels that she has little control over it . . .
The use of segregation by the Correctional Service
for inmates in distress, including those who are at risk of self-injury
or suicide, is also problematic. The forced isolation of individuals from
their social and physical supports, and human contact, is a profound form
of deprivation. It can only heighten feelings of desperation and anxiety
and situations of despair and high-need. (Arbour at 186-7, emphasis added)
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