| But while the keepers' discretion was unfettered by formal rule, it was
              not unlimited. They had to share power, or at least reach an accommodation,
              with various prisoner communities. The informal sharing of power between
              the guards and powerful prisoners is well documented in the twentieth
              century sociology of the prison;11 prisoner
              communities appear to have been even more powerful in the eighteenth century.
              This was particularly the case in the debtors' prisons because of the
              unlimited access to the outside world and the customary privileges of
              debtors. In large measure this power-sharing came about because of the
              small number of custodial staff in the institutions. Since such staff
              had to be paid by the keeper, it was in his interest to employ as few
              people as possible and to permit prisoners to police themselves. Rules
              were laid down, including the levying of a fee on incoming prisoners,
              and these rules were enforced by a wardsman, chosen by the keeper or by
              the prisoners them- selves. Sometimes the wardsman presided at mock trials
              to settle disputes or infringements of the rules of the prison.12
              Boxing matches were also used to settle disputes between prisoners.13
              As disturbing as the idea of the cruelty and unregulated discretion of
              the keepers was to the reformers, more disturbing still was this 'image
              of an entrenched inmate nether- world, ruling an institution of the state
              with its own officers, its own customs and its own rituals.'14
             The English prison system began to show signs of strain during the crime
              wave that followed demobilization after the War of the Austrian Succession.
              The London prisons became overwhelmed with the crush of destitute poor
              awaiting trial for petty property crimes. In April 1750, in the 'Black
              Assize,' two diseased prisoners from Newgate were standing trial at the
              Old Bailey; of the people who were infected by them, at least fifty died,
              including the judge, the jury, the lawyers, and many spectators.15
              The prison crisis of the 1750s reinforced the growing awareness of the
              need for intermediate penalties between transportation to the penal colonies
              and hanging. The prosecution of many minor offences was abandoned because
              the death penalty seemed to be disproportionate to the crime. Henry Fielding,
              the famous English novelist and a magistrate, wrote of the necessity to
              find an intermediate penalty combining 'correction of the body' with 'correction
              of the mind.' He suggested solitary confinement. As he put it, 'there
              can be no more effective means of bringing a most abandoned profligate
              to reason and order than those of solitude and fasting.'16  It was in the context of a continuing crisis caused by burgeoning prison
              populations and a growing scepticism about the efficacy of existing forms
              of criminal punishment that the seminal work of John Howard, The
              State of the Prisons in England and Wales, appeared in 1777. 17
              Howard first became concerned with the crisis in the prison system after
              his appointment as a county sheriff. Unlike most sheriffs, however, Howard
              took seriously his obligation to inspect the prisons, and visited every
              prison in England and Wales. The State of the
              Prisons contains both the record of his observations and his blueprint
              for radical change. Deeply etched into that blueprint was the disciplinary
              regime of solitary confinement. Howard's work was unique in its exhaustive
              treatment of English penal institutions, and it drew strength from the
              comparative perspective with which he imbued his proposals for reform
              of the system. Howard also visited a number of the more famous European
              penal institutions, and they provided him with much of the program of
              discipline that was eventually set out in the Penitentiary Act in 1779.
             By the time of Howard's visits to Europe in the 1770s, the concept of
              solitary confinement had already been introduced in a number of these
              European institutions. In 1703 Pope Clement XI commissioned the building
              of a cellular prison for delinquent and criminal youths. The San Michele
              House of Correction, opened in 1704, has the distinction of being the
              first penal institution organized along the principles of isolation, work,
              silence, and prayer. In the work-hall was inscribed in gold Parum
              est coercera impropos poena nisi probos efficias disctplina ('It
              is of little use to restrain the bad by punishment unless you render them
              good by discipline'). These words were to become the motto for Howard's
              own work. The concept behind the prison at San Michele, which harnessed
              the Catholic tradition of monastic discipline to the purposes of punishment,
              was further developed by a Flemish politician and magistrate, Jean Philippe
              Vilain, in the 'Octagon,' a prison built under his aegis at Ghent. The
              institutional regime of the 'Octagon' provided Howard with a model for
              a reformed English system, and the architecture of the prison, designed
              to maximize surveillance and minimize the potential for escape, became
              a model for the early penitentiaries in England, the United States, and
              Canada.18  Page 3 of 11
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