The Values of a "Barbarian Prince"
During the course of my work at Kent, I spent many hours with Jason
Gallant, tracing his long and tumultuous career as a prisoner. He began
his first life sentence in 1977, following his conviction for a killing
that took place in a bar in British Columbia. In 1982, following a riot
at Archambault in which three officers died, he pleaded guilty to three
counts of first-degree murder. He spent three years in the Special Handling
Unit. Following that he was at Kent until 1988, when he was readmitted
to the SHU following an allegation of involvement in extorting funds from
prisoners and their families. After five years there he was transferred
back to Kent in 1993 and had been there ever since, apart from a four-month
stay at Matsqui in 1996-97. He was one of the "barbarian princes" referred
to in the 1988 judgement of Mr. Justice Muldoon. In one of my early interviews
with Mr. Gallant, I asked whether the judge's comments were a fair characterization
of his values and orientation to life in prison. That question became
a trigger for a wide-ranging discussion of his experiences.
The unofficial punishment inflicted upon Mr. Gallant in the aftermath
of his conviction for the murder of three prison guards was etched deep
in his body and psyche. He had pleaded guilty to those murders; however,
it was generally accepted in the prison population that he was not the
perpetrator but had agreed to accept responsibility for the killings to
save another prisoner from the fate to which he was already assigned --
twenty-five years before parole eligibility. That interpretation was not
shared by prison guards, however, and Mr. Gallant described to me the
painful retribution he had suffered over and above his lawfully imposed
sentence: how correctional officers had come into his cell and beaten
him; how he had been scalded with hot water and hit so hard with a billy
club that his intestine was driven up to his diaphragm, perforating it
and causing a reversal in his digestive process, with the result that
he was bringing up his bodily wastes. He also described how he was made
to feel the guards' hatred and contempt.
I don't know what the hell they did to me but I see
these red bikini briefs and urine in my face and I can hear it. My mouth's
open, I can't close it. When I was in the shower and they were fire-hosing
me, they'd throw some type of bleach, Javex bleach, on me. So when they
were doing what they were doing to me, I could hear the powder fizzing
in my hair.
It was during this time that my eyes were open to
a depth of hatred, and I know hatred. I'm well acquainted with the bitch
because I've lived on it. You can live on it like food. Because of the
torture trips I went through I had difficulty allowing anyone to come
near to me. I could not bear anyone's touch. Because of what went down,
I cannot sit down with a guard and discuss my private life, my history,
and open up and reveal confidences, which is required in this new way
of doing things in programs. (Interviews with Jason Gallant, Kent Institution,
February - May 1994)
Because Mr. Gallant had been brought up by foster parents who were deeply
religious, he was able to relate this period in his life to some scriptural
teachings.
The scriptures tell us to stand diligently at the
door of your heart; that out of it comes the issues of life. From the
time that these incidents happened until the time that I was able to forgive,
I didn't guard diligently at the door to my heart because a lot of bad
stuff got in and it was watered with my hatred. I have struggled to allow
that to flow out of me.
That struggle was intensified in the context of the Special Handling
Unit.
It was the mindless compliance to something I believe
violates a person's right to control their own lives. Every time you leave
your cell there is the handcuffs, the pat-down searches. Even in your
own cell there is no place to hide because every two or three days they
come down and they strip search you, take your clothes off, put you in
handcuffs again or put you in that little interview booth and then go
through your cell. There's a constant sense of bombardment. A lot of guys
can't handle the pain any more so they comply, and after a while they
don't need to be told anything. It just becomes routine and they put their
hands up, down, out, in, whatever is required. They become conditioned
to it. I could not let myself do that. I said, "Somebody's got to stand
up and say this is wrong." I did it head on by resisting.
The intrusion of unwanted hands and what it symbolized were things Jason
Gallant still struggled with at Kent.
I go to a social and they're skinning me down afterwards
and asking me, "Did you have a nice social?" The social was pleasant enough,
but I'm standing in front of them, naked, and I'm expected to relate to
them like they care about how I feel. They're trying to be civil and I
have a hard time relating to that. I could if I believed they cared, but
I don't believe that. So I say to them, "You're trying to bust me, I'm
standing here before you naked and you want social interaction? Give your
fucking head a shake."
Jason Gallant had never read Dostoyevsky's House
of the Dead, based on the Russian novelist's experiences in a Siberian
labour camp in the 1840s. Dostoyevsky wrote:
Everyone, whoever he is and however lowly the circumstances
into which he has been pushed, demands, albeit instinctively and unconsciously,
that respect be shown for his human dignity. The convict knows he is a
convict, an outcast, and he knows his place vis-à-vis his superior officer;
but no brands, no fetters will ever be able to make him forget that he
is a human being. And since he really is a human being, it is necessary
to treat him as one. (Fyodor Dostoyevsky, The
House of the Dead, Trans. David McDuff [London: Penguin, 1985]
at 145) Page 1 of 2
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